The Effects of the Cold War in Asia Essay Example for Free

The Effects of the Cold War in Asia Essay The virus war was the name given to the financial, political, military and ideological contention that occurred between the United States and its partners and the Soviet Union and their partners after World War II. The two powers never legitimately occupied with military activity in light of the fact that both had atomic weapons that whenever utilized, would have had decimating ramifications for the two sides. On the other hand, intermediary wars were battled. An intermediary war results when restricting forces utilize outsiders alternative for battling each other and is commonly started by a force that doesn't itself take an interest. The Korean and Vietnam wars are two instances of intermediary wars in light of the fact that the U. S. what's more, the Soviet Union didn't connect one another be that as it may, Soviet endeavors to spread and bring together both Korea and Vietnam under socialist standard incited intercession either by the United States as well as by their partners. Another case of socialist expansionism is the Malayan crisis that kept going from 1948-1960 which brought about a guerrilla insurrection focused on an autonomous socialist Malaya. These three occasions were only a couple of impacts of the virus war in Asia. This exposition will talk about every occasion exclusively and in more detail and endeavor to persuade perusers that the Korean and Vietnam wars and the Malayan crisis were the immediate consequences of Soviet endeavors to extend socialist guideline in Asia and the United States and their allies’ strategy of forestalling and containing such moves. The Korean War The Japanese control of Korea finished following 35 years when they gave up to both Soviet and American powers in 1945. The arrangement for the eventual fate of Korea was to hold free and reasonable races and build up a law based Korean government. Meanwhile, the Soviets and the Americans consented to involve the nation as a trusteeship. Korea was then separated at the 38th equal the U. S. involved the South and the Soviets involved the North. In 1948, two separate governments were set up the Democratic People’s Republic under socialist principle in the North, and the Republic of Korea in the South. Sunday June 25th 1950, North Korea started its assault on South Korea (with the help of the Soviet Union) beginning with an hour and a half mounted guns flood and afterward a full intrusion of North Korean tanks and infantry over the 38th equal into South Korea. The United Nations immediately denounced the intrusion and demanded the North stop their development and retreat. At the point when it was apparent that the North was not agreeing to this interest, President Truman, on June 27th approved the United States Navy and Air Force to help South Korea. The U. N. gave the United States the position to pick the incomparable leader who might lead the partnered mission. President Truman picked General Douglas MacArthur who was experienced and thought about an American war legend. On June 28th, three days after the attack Seoul, the South Korean capital was taken over by the North Korean powers. On June 30th, President Truman charged the utilization of American soldiers in South Korea. At last, 16 part countries would contribute powers to the strategic repulsing the North Koreans. During the principal long stretches of the war, the socialist North took Seoul and proceeded with their attack Southward with little trouble. The South Korean armed force and U. N. powers were pushed back to Busan †a territory situated at the southeastern most tip of Korea. On September fifteenth 1950, MacArthur propelled a challenging yet essential unified counteroffensive including around 70,000 soldiers at Inchon. This reason for this arrival was twofold †first, find the North Koreans napping and second, disturb the two correspondences and gracefully lines. Presently off endless supply of MacArthur’s counteroffensive, the North Koreans started to withdraw. This permitted the â€Å"cornered† South Korean armed force and U. N. powers at Busan to walk north and get together with the other U. N. powers. By early October 1950, all U. N. powers were together at the 38th equal. In spite of the fact that it gave the idea that the Korean strategic a triumph, the war was a long way from being done. Affirmed by both the U. N. nd the Joint Chiefs of Staff, South Korean soldiers and U. N. powers crossed the 38th equal into North Korea. The People’s Republic of China cautioned U. N. troops that on the off chance that they crossed the 38th equal, they would enter the war. MacArthur nonetheless, consoles President Truman who is fearful over the news that they would not enter the war. In any case, on November 23rd 1950, around 200,000 Chinese soldiers crossed the Yalu River and assaulted U. N. powers inciting an intense retreat and a prompt pull back of troops. By December 24th 1950, the naval force emptied roughly 100,000 U. N. what's more, South Korean soldiers and generally the same number of evacuees. General Matthew B. Ridgeway supplanted General Walton Walker who kicked the bucket toward the finish of December 1950. His arrangement started Christmas day and he initiated the modifying of the Eighth Army. Seoul, which had been recovered by U. N. powers in October, was surrendered toward the beginning of January 1951. By the by, by March 27th 1951, the Eighth Army reclaimed Seoul and arrived at the 38th equal. In November 1952, the United Nations changed their arrangement towards the war and affirmed a guarded technique. Be that as it may, the war entered a halt both strategically and militarily. In January 1953, Dwight Eisenhower succeeded Harry Truman as President of the United States. Resolved to determine the halt and end the Korean War, he took steps to utilize atomic weapons against China in the event that they didn't consent to a tranquil arrangement. At last, following three years of contention, a cease-fire was marked on July 27th 1953. Setbacks were high for all gatherings included †an expected 33,741 Americans murdered in real life and 103,284 injured. South Korean numbers are a lot higher †59,000 slaughtered in real life and 291,000 injured. U. N. orces that incorporate Australia, United Kingdom, Canada and New Zealand lost 1,263 and 4,817 injured. Remaining U. N. powers including Belgium, Columbia, Ethiopia, France, Greece, the Netherlands, Philippines, South Africa, Thailand and Turkey endured 1,800 slaughtered in real life and 7,000 injured. North Korean and Chinese losses are not satisfactory, yet gauges are 500,000 executed and 1,000,000 injured. With the help of both the Soviet Union and China, North Korea attacked South Korea to oust the administration, assuming responsibility for the South and binding together the whole landmass under socialist guideline. Be that as it may, this procedure fizzled on the grounds that the universal network reacted. Lamentably, the war didn't settle the debate of unification and impacts of this are still felt today in both North and South Korea. In spite of the fact that it is hard to decide the victor, assuming any, of this war, plainly the reaction of both the United Nations and United States was to contain the spread of socialism. Maybe, the main party that could guarantee triumph is the Chinese. Chinese powers were fruitful in compelling unified soldiers out of North Korea and over the 38th equal. China would now assume a huge job later on harmony talks. The Vietnam War The French had some time ago involved Vietnam before 1940 when Japan attacked portions of the nation. Presently, Vietnam needed to remote occupiers †the French and the Japanese. In August 1945, Japan gave up to united powers. This gave Vietnamese patriots drove by Ho Chi Minh the chance to broadcast the freedom of Vietnam. Be that as it may, the French were resolved to recapture control of the nation. This prompted a wicked war between the Vietnamese patriots and the French in November 1945. The most alarming for the United States was that the Vietnamese patriots, the Viet Minh, was a socialist development. By and by, it was not until 1950, when the Soviet Union and China perceived the Viet Minh that validated American premonitions, uncovering Ho Chi Minh, in secretary of state Dean Achesons words, â€Å"in his real nature as the human foe of local freedom in Indochina. † A worry among US authorities was that US interests were in question if Vietnam turned into a socialist nation. Along these lines, in 1950, the US gave fiscal help to the French exertion in Vietnam. By the by, in 1954, France pulled back from Vietnam after a critical annihilation at Dien Bien Phu. In July 1954, an understanding was reached at the Geneva meeting that briefly partitioned Vietnam at the seventeenth equal. The Viet Minh drove by Ho Chi Minh would control the North and powers, for example, the United States who helped the French would control the south. The understanding additionally called for national decisions to be held by July 1956 to rejoin the nation under one government. The United States be that as it may, differ and wouldn't acknowledge the understanding stressed the Communists would win and join Vietnam under socialism. In the event that Vietnam got socialist, it was accepted among US authorities that encompassing nations would likewise become socialist †this was known as the domino hypothesis. Along these lines, with the assistance of the United States, decisions were done however just in South Vietnam. June 18, 1954 Ngo Dinh Diem was chosen as the principal leader of South Vietnam upheld by the United States. Anyway by 1960, numerous Vietnamese started feeling mistreated by Diems initiative and sorted out the National Liberation Front (NFL) otherwise called the Viet Cong that would battle against both the South Vietnamese government and United States powers. When Lyndon Johnson became president in November 1963 after John F. Kennedys death, he started sending help to the recently shaped government. On August 2, 1964, two US warships were assaulted by North Vietnamese gunboats in worldwide waters known as the Gulf of Tonkin occurrence. Accordingly, Johnson approached Congress for the power to do whatever it took to withstand any further assaults from the North Vietnamese against US powers. Congress endorsed Johnsons r

Traditional Family In A Post Modern Society Free Essays

string(68) accordingly pushes for this assorted variety to be acknowledged inside society. In a post current society, for example, Britain, are customary family and marriage vital? This paper will investigate whether customary family and marriage are fundamental in Britain today. The difference in cultural perspectives and mentalities should be thought of, just as breaking down measurable proof. The philosophy of the family and marriage will at that point be talked about and differentiated, according to different hypothetical viewpoints, for example, functionalism and post innovation. We will compose a custom article test on Conventional Family In A Post Modern Society or on the other hand any comparable subject just for you Request Now Government perspectives and approaches will likewise be audited so as to show how family has advanced for different family types. Before examining if there is a need for conventional family and marriage in Britain today, it just appears to be coherent to initially comprehend what is implied by the term customary family. A customary family or family unit, as it is some of the time alluded to as, comprises of a hetero monogamous couple that are legitimately jump through marriage and their sound, subordinate 2. Youngsters, Muncie et al. (1999). There is typically an away from of work where the male overwhelmingly assumes the instrumental job of the provider and the female dominatingly assumes her expressive job as the homemaker and parental figure, Bernard (1997). This depends on the hypothesis of Functionalism (which has commanded speculations until the mid twentieth century). They appear to put significance on the division of work, as they accept that this structure is the best method of performing family works. This picture of family would have been precise in the event that it was based families around the twentieth century as it was viewed as the standard, to get hitched and have a family with guys and females assuming their individual natural jobs. As indicated by Pascal (1986) in Muncie et al (1 999, pop), the Beverage Report perceived three key attributes of the related with the possibility of he family; 1 Women are accessible to do housework and care for youngsters and old family members, without pay. 2 Couples comprise of one all day laborer (generally a male provider) and one ‘housewife’ whose work outside the house is insignificant†¦ Women seek men for money related help. As time has developed what family is has gotten changed and not exactly as fastidious in its structure, in spite of the fact that this is as yet the picture of certain families. These qualities that are noted in The Beverage Report might be considered as dated by most people in the 21 SST century , as it is clear that family Structure has changed drastically. This report would have been ignored by women's activists, as a male centric family isn't what they put stock in. This unmistakably shows the lady as being subject to a man. As per information from the Office of National Statistics (2012), obviously the family unit (wedded guardians with a normal of 2 kid wards) has kept on being the most standard family type, in spite of the fact that this number has gradually started to diminish as the years have proceeded onward. What can likewise be recognized is that the quantity of individuals in other family types, for instance single parent families and same-sex families, has started to increment step by step. This recommends individuals are starting to acknowledge that ‘family’ doesn't need to be the ‘traditional family unit. The way that it is reported at all shows that there is no tremendous need for marriage as there once seemed to be. Likewise there is the supposition according to Duncan and Phillips (2008, up), that ‘marriage and unmarried dwelling together are socially comparable (as concurred by 66% of people when studied) and 33% felt that ‘unmarried living together shows as much responsibility as marriage’. There is additionally the recommendation that living together connections are really enduring longer, for instance in 2006 it was . 9 years, contrasted with 6. 5 years in 2000. This shows how perspectives and relationship types have changed in Britain, as though this overview Was done in the mid twentieth century there most likely would have been wonderful distinction in the reactions and the sorts of relationship individuals were a piece of. Postmodernists, for example, Bernard (1997) accept that society needs to acknowledge family assorted variety, as you would acknowledge various classes, ethnicities and sexual direction. This presumption of their just being one legitimate family structure should be annihilated, as anything outside of this structure will been viewed as sub-par. Morocco (1968) refered to in Muncie et al. 1999) recommended the possibility of the family unit similar to an all inclusive. The customary family unit depends on the belief system of families. This belief system is formed by both the state and the media and it is by all accounts vigorously advanced, though other family types may be viewed as freak. It could be contended that this thought of a customary family is getting less of a choice. As indicated by Elution in Fox (2009, IPPP-459) all together for certain families to adapt to the strain of ‘domestic work and paid employment’, the two companions are sharing the duty of decreasing a compensation through paid work. This recommends in certain families the choice of a conventional family way of life is inaccessible to them, in view of the manner by which this entrepreneur state has developed. As per Duncan and Phillips (2008, Pl), ‘Family life is no longer compared with the wedded couple’. This infers this model of the family could be viewed as ridiculous in this current present day society, as it just disregards the various varieties that we would now be able to expect inside a nuclear family, for example, single parent families, same-sex families and step families to give some examples. The enactment is that there is no family standard and no distinct definition to the term family. ‘Marriage, as a social organization, may have essentially been transformed, augmented and ‘modernized’ as opposed to being ‘decreed’†¦ If this family structure were in reality ‘decreed’, we would hope to find that the individuals who live separated from their accomplices, solo living and same-sex associations are viewed as proportionate, as opposed to second rate family forms’, Duncan and Phillips (2008, pop). The Postmodernism approach appears to consider this decent variety of family types and in this way pushes for this assorted variety to be acknowledged inside society. You read Conventional Family In A Post Modern Society in classification Family This could be viewed as a progressively suitable perception of British society today. This methodology family is described by ‘choice, opportunity, decent variety, indecision and fluidity’, Harmless and Holbrook (2007, IPPP). This recommends people are increasingly open to live their lives however they see fit, judgment and mortification. As indicated by McNeil et al (2003, up) an ever increasing number of individuals delay shaping their own families; some may decide to stay Single or childless. This has driven a few sociologists to contend that there is such an unbelievable marvel as a postmodern family. This is a progressively modernized term that Seems to encapsulate what British society resembles today. Perhaps the term customary family needs to get excess and supplanted by the more adaptable term postmodern family? This might be viewed as a progressively fitting depiction of family life in a post present day society. Post-war ladies had the requests of committing their lives to their men with household jobs getting inevitable, Muncie et al (1999). The jobs of ladies have now changed, for the larger part. They presently have more rights which could influence the elements of the family. In the previous a non wedded lady may have been viewed as an old maid, yet now they will in general be named as free proficient ladies. A portion of these progressions are down to women's activists standing firm for equivalent treatment of people and taking out man controlled society, Bernard (1997). This can be confirm with the Equal Pay Act in 1970, where women's activists thought for the ideal for ladies to be paid a similar compensation as their male partners, while doing likewise job, Lynn Seal in Muncie et al (1997). Another significant defining moment for ladies was in 1 918 when they were at long last given the option to cast a ballot, following quite a while of crusading from the suffragists and suffragettes, Women and the Vote, (no date). It is clear that women's activists have clashing perspectives to the functionalists ND new right with respect to the possibility of the conventional family unit, as they would conceivably lean toward an increasingly even family where the authority is shared. They may contend that customary family and marriage are redundant, as conventional family specifically is seen as increasingly valuable to men. Sex has all the earmarks of being Of some significance, as expressed by Duncan and Phillips (2008, up), in light of the fact that ‘according to individualistic hypothesis it is ladies who frequently lead change, as they split away from conventional and ‘antidisestablishmentarianism and look for more attractive and progressively equivalent ones’. Women's activists Barrett and McIntosh (1 982), keep up that this customary family unit type is against social since it abuses ladies and advantages private enterprise, while seeing the more eccentric family types as in satisfactory. It is clear that cultural perspectives have changed after some time in regards to the acknowledgment of the different family way of life decisions. Society has gotten ethnically different and it could be considered as less critical. One of the latest instances of this change is the thought, by the alliance government, for gay relationships. The bill is to be submitted as ahead of schedule as next ear; with it turning out to be law by as right on time as 2015, Hennessey (2012). This intimates the alliance government are beginning to receive a more post current view with respect to family and marriage. Albeit as per McCarthy and Edwards (2011 a later idea known as New right, which bolsters huge numbers of t

Analysis of article The Minds Eye by Oliver Sacks

Memory and the Quest for Family History in One Hundred Years of Solitude and Song of Solomon Pierre Nora recommends that the journey for memory is the quest for one's history (289). In their endeavor to remake the mutual accounts of their kin, Toni Morrison and Gabriel Garcã ­a Mã ¡rquez depend intensely on the utilization of memory as a way to change the historical backdrop of those persecuted in view of race, class or potentially sex in this present reality where historiography has been overwhelmed by the white man. Memory is firmly identified with the recovery of character and history - both individual and group. Both memory and history rule Cien Aã ±os de Soledad (One Hundred Years of Solitude) from the earliest starting point, where the character Aureliano Buendã ­a is presented through his own memories: Muchos aã ±os despuã ©s, frente al pelotã ³n de fusilamiento, el coronel Aureliano Buendã ­a habã ­a de recordar aquella tarde remota en que su padre lo llevã ³ a conocer el hielo (9)/Numerous years after the fact, as he confronted the terminating crew, Colone l Aureliano Buendã ­a was to recall that far off evening when his dad took him to find ice (9). Like Garcã ­a Mã ¡rquez, Toni Morrison claims memory - just as creative mind - as a basic piece of the story demonstration: The demonstration of creative mind is bound up with memory. You know, they fixed the Mississippi River in places, to account for houses and bearable real esatate. Periodically the stream floods these spots. 'Floods' is the word they use, however in truth it isn't flooding; it is recalling. Recalling where it used to be. All water has an ideal memory and is everlastingly attempting to return to where it was. Scholars are that way: Remembering where we were, what valley we went through, what the banks resembled, the light... ...tive Literature Courses. Approaches to Teaching Garcã ­a Mã ¡rquez's One Hundred Years of Solitude. Marã ­a Elena de Valdã ©s and Mario J. Valdã ©s. New York: The Modern Language Association of America, 1990. 21-32. Parkinson Zamora, Lois. The Usable Past: The Idea of History in Modern U.S. what's more, Latin American Fiction. Do the Americas Have a Basic Literature? Ed. Gustavo Pã ©rez Firmat. Durham: Duke UP, 1990. 7-41. Penetrate, Robert N. Certainty or Fiction?: The Developmental Journalism of Gabriel Garcã ­a Mã ¡rquez. Journal of Popular Culture 22.1 (1988): 63-71. Ricci Della Grisa, Graciela N. Realismo Mã ¡gico y Conciencia Mã ­tica en Amã ©rica Latina. Buenos Aires: Fernando Garcã ­a Cambeiro, 1985. Strouse, Jean. Toni Morrison's Black Magic. Newsweek (30 March 1981): 52-57. Watkins, Mel. Meeting with Toni Morrison. New York Times Book Review (11 September 1977): 50.

Graduation Speech -- Graduation Speech, Commencement Address

At the point when they were attempting to discover somebody to give this discourse they previously asked the most insightful, shrewd individual they could discover. Be that as it may, she turned them down. So then they asked the most excellent, beautiful, alluring individual they could discover. She likewise turned them down. Next they asked the most delightful, best, kindest, most earnest individual they could discover. At that point I concluded it is inconsiderate to turn them down multiple times in succession, so here I am. What number of individuals here like tomato soup? Please, lift your hand on the off chance that you like tomato soup. Alright, bless your heart. That was an extremely basic inquiry, you either like it or you don't. I wish secondary school had been that simple. In any case, as we as a whole know, it wasn't. As the National Honor Society speaker, you presumably anticipate that me should talk about something academic, however I'm not....

Writing I dont have time for

Writing I don’t have time  for I just took what was hopefully my last midterm of my undergraduate career. But it doesn’t feel like anything worth celebrating about. I spent the past 4 days studying as much as I could, yet by the time I tallied up the points of the things I even wrote anything down for, they just (maybe)barely totaled 56/120. This is 6.046, Design and Analysis of Algorithms, whose prereqs are 6.042 and 6.006, both classes I have pretty strong negative memories of. But its a requirement for the new 6â€"14 major, Computer Science, Economics, and Data Science, along with all three of my other classes this term. 6.036 (Machine Learning), 15.053 (Business Optimization), and 15.276 (Communicating with Data). I have come a long way since taking 6.042 and 6.006 my freshman spring and sophomore fall respectively. And that was really reflected this weekend in the difference between my study habits then and now: I didn’t study on my bed or got swallowed by my sofa, I actually left my room (from off campus) to study on campus at a desk I didn’t skim through solutions, hoping I’d get something eventually through osmosis. I actually tried practice problems and checked them and learned from my mistakes. I didn’t try to listen to music, which regrettably distracts me from being able to process what I’m reading, and instead put in earplugs to focus. I didn’t just read recitation and lecture notes. This time I marked them all up with short summaries of each section I was reading for later review and cheat sheet copying. I didn’t procrastacook. I made all my food on sunday and have just been eating scrambled egg and chives and rice for lunch and dinners. I didn’t try to study 2 hours before the exam on 2 hours of sleep. I actually kept 8 hours consistently throughout because that’s at least what I need to function and study. But despite all this, I won’t ever see the counterfactual reality of how I would’ve done, had I not improved my study habits as much as I have. I just see how I barely even wrote legible answers and am hoping for even just 30 points out of this thing worth 20% of my grade. I’ve stepped back from literally everything that makes me feel alive and like a human being part of society to try and pass this last semesters courseload. And still, none of that sacrifice or effort feels reflected in this. And right after I finished at 9:30 tonight, I was hit by just how much OTHER work I’ve punted that is now knocking down my door, making me feel terrible about how much I have to face with no energy or stamina left. This isn’t particularly new, the sort of post-exam hosedness, but its just even more difficult when its a class you’re putting every second and moment of mental bandwidth and focus and emotional energy and it just spits at you and laughs ha, you thought you could even try. I’m somewhere between emotionally numb, about to cry but can’t, and in intense stress and fear about if I’m going to graduate and how I (can’t) afford another semester to finish. I know I need to reach out to my s ³ dean and the professors of 046 and 036, which btw I am also 2 weeks of homework late and behind on. All of them have been nothing but supportive and accommodating throughout the various other circumstances I’ve had to face this semester, but I don’t even know what to ask. I know I need to give them a heads up, tell them I am trying and doing things differently and really putting in effort, just in case I end up being a borderline case of C-. But I also just get this massive thing stuck in my chest whenever I think about it. I’m so disappointed in myself â€" even though I know that for me, I’ve come a long way and overcome so much this semester to even get here. Everything I’ve been thinking about the past few weeks, self-worth, relative measures, support networks, just seems to have gone out the window in favor of this habit of self-loathing again. I didn’t even realize that how well I did or didnt do was being tied to my self-worth until it wasnt there anymore. If you observed me coming home to my apartment and how I’ve interacted with my flatmates, you’d think I was passive-aggressive upset at them. They asked how I was, howd it go, congrats, you survived! but Ive all but muttered fuck and ignored them.   I love my flatmates so much, and I know they feel the same, but even then I guess I didnt want them to see that Im actually hurting so much.   Also, I know that they know already anyway and are just worried about me.   But if I stopped to say, no it didnt go well and Im really sad and disappointed and frustrated, Id have to admit that Im sad and disappointed and frustrated. (so instead Im going to admit it to thousands of anonymous readers on the admissions blogs HAHAHAHAHAA) But 100% of why I’m writing this right now when I’m supposed to be catching up on sleep, is because I need to process and I’ve always written to process when my emotions were overwhelming me. It has humbled me so much, this semester. I don’t know what’s going on in the world. I see friends who are struggling and I can’t do anything about it. I am drowning and doing my absolute best to keep afloat, but I don’t even have the salty tears to show for it. I’m sure I was hosed in past semesters, but not like this. Not being able to do things I care about, with people, really drains me. I wouldn’t be able to do four more years of this without losing parts of me that are absolutely core to who I am. It terrifies me to even feel this close to that. Even more to know that this what so many people go through, for much, much, longer. If I didn’t have the community that I do have, flatmates that still try to reach out to me even though their post-graduate lives probably have even more at stake by trying to make ends meet, all the habits I currently do have, and friendships from past endeavors that remind me of things important to both of us, it would be so easy for me to lose myself in the jadedness and void of constant disappointment and hopelessness and sadness and fear. At the moment, I don’t care any more about civic engagement, mental health, community, or the world any more than the next person. And these things are what people know me for and are things that I’ve shown myself I DO care about. Yet even still, it’s only because of the community of people that remind me of who I am at my best, and ~30 days left of IHTFP, am I able to hold faith in myself. *Breathe.* I still feel really empty. I’m really scared about tomorrow and being useless to my 15.053 Optimization project group. In two days I have 6.036 lab and I still need to read the lecture for that and also a persuasive presentation for 15.276 on voting in 2018 midterms. But I just finished four days of nonstop studying, did my all of the above so that I could to say to myself: “I did my best, I did everything I could, and that’s all I can do.” And that if I hadn’t, I’d be that much farther from graduating. So its past midnight, but I’m going to go eat a fucking green tea mochi and go be an adult and ask my flatmates for a hug. === Dont be a ghost, say hi 3 [emailprotected] Post Tagged #6.006 #6.036 #6.042 #6.046 #Course 6-14 #IHTFP #S^3

Pre-Charge Detention

National Security Civil Liberties and Terrorism, alternative workable measures to Pre Charge Detention In considering the issues of pre-charge detention and the possible alternatives, we need to begin by considering the legislative facts and, to some extent, the recent political furore. This puts the recent government proposals for a 90 day pre-charge detention period into a contemporary historical perspective. The Terrorism Act was passed as a direct result of the Sept 7th attacks in the USA and the perceived threat in the UK. It initially set the maximum detention period for people arrested for suspicion of being involved in a terrorism act, at a period of seven days (Terrorism Act2000). This measure was seen by some as a knee-jerk reaction to the passing of the US Patriot Act in the USA although it has to be said that the Patriot Act is overtly and primarily for the provision of a facility for surveillance, whereas the UKs Terrorism Act has a much greater emphasis on interrogation. The Criminal Justice Act then extended this length of maximum detention to 14 days. To put this in perspective, the same Act also extended the maximum period of detention for people suspected of other types of criminal activity from 24 to 36 hours only. (CJA 2003) During the course of 2005, the Government chose to try to bring in pare-charge detention period of 90 days, which was presented to the House of Commons as being determined on the advice of (amongst others)the law enforcement and prosecution agencies (Mansard 2005). There appeared to be a perception on the part of the Government that this was also in general consistency with the public mood as the feedback from the constituencies suggested that being hard on terrorism met with general public support. This view was strengthened by the sense of public outrage which resulted from the July 7th bombing attacks in the capital. It is fair to observe that this tangible sense of outrage was replaced by a more considered position a short time later when the realisation appeared that the draconian measures proposed were actually required to defeat the terrorists or whether they would simply serve to create a militant backlash which would be completely counterproductive and simply encourage those who would exhort disgruntled Muslims to sign up to yet more extreme measures. (Adcock P et al 2003), Mr Blair put his personal authority on the line over the issue by stating his personal beliefs on the subject: We are not living in a police state, but we are living in a country that faces a real and serious threat of terrorism, terrorism that wants to destroy our way of life, terrorism that wants to inflict casualties on us without limit. (Blair T 2005) One of the major planks in the Governments reasoning was the advice that it had taken, that an arrest on reasonable suspicion was not sufficiently robust for its purposes, and that it was necessary in these specific circumstances to extend the definition necessary for detention to include in consideration of future evidence. It was the insertion of this particular clause and the implications of the possibility of detaining people first and then searching for evidence on which to convict them, that proved to be the major stumbling block for many MPs as well as a major issue for pressure groups who represented the Civil Liberties movements. In the assessment of many, and indeed specifically articulated by David Howarth, the Lib. Dem. MP for Cambridge, there was very little practical difference between this situation and internment. (Howarth D 2005). The point relating to the Governments perception of public opinion being behind the bill was made during direct questioning of the Home Secretary during the Government debate on the issue. Paddy Tipping(Labour MP for Sherwood in Nottingham) articulated his opinion with the comment Does the Home Secretary accept that people in Nottinghamshire know about the threat and accept that it exists? Will he take my reassurance that my office and my phone have been busy today with people backing the 90-day detention period? They believe that he and the Prime Minister were right, and they would like that to be pursued. (Tipping P2005) The Home Secretary reiterated his comments with the suggestion that his constituents were also largely of the same opinion. He felt that the MPs were not in tune with their constituents. I notice that that is what the overall majority of the British people agree, too,..I regret that some parliamentarians the front benches of the other political parties ..are not prepared to listen to the police in this regard, and I think they should. (Clarke C 2005 A) In considering just why the Government appeared to have misjudged the mood of the general population, there are a number of specific elements that we should consider. Of course, we accept that it may not actually have got its perception wrong and the majority of the grass roots in the country may instinctively support almost any measure that they seas a means to combat terrorism. (Ballcock J et al 1999) One certain fact is that there was a well-orchestrated and well publicised outpouring of criticism form a number of civil liberty-related concerns from pressure groups who each cited their own focus-specific objections to the proposed increase in police powers. To cite a few of these by way of illustration, we could turn to the comments of Livid Zillion the spokesperson for Amnesty International. As far as human rights are concerned, as far as civil liberties in this country are concerned, yesterdays defeat was to an extent a pyrrhic victory for human rights, given that the 28-day extension was passed[instead] He went on to comment that the whole package was : Ill conceived, draconian and dangerous. It contained provisions which so fundamentally undermine both the freedom of association and the freedom of expression. (Zillion L 2005) Other similar groups such as Liberty took a rather different line considering that the Bill, in its proposed form, could further inflame racial tensions, their reasoning being that the 90 day proposed pre-charge detention would result in a very severe and negative impact on the community relations in the UK . (Curlew J 2005). They took the view that the police had powers that were already very extensive. In the context of this essay we should note that they believed that there were more proportionate ways in which they could gain more powers to deal with the threat of terrorism in mainland Although, sadly, they drew back from suggesting just exactly what they felt those proportional powers might be. Their concerns relating to a possible escalation of racial tensions were also echoed by other groups, notably The Islamic Human Rights Commission of Britain, who compared what they foresaw happening as a result of these proposed new powers, as being similar to the riots another forms of civil disobedience in France that had occurred over the preceding two months. (Shadjareh M 2005). They felt that the seminal reasons for the French riots were that the French Muslims had become progressively alienated and excluded from society. This was a situation which could easily occur in this country and he felt that these new powers would simply fuel the fire In the event, the Government was defeated on the issue by a vote of 322votes to 291 and agreed to accept a compromise pre-charge detention period of 28 days. Critics of the 28 day period still maintain that it makes substantial inroads into our civil rights in relation to our protection from arbitrary arrest, insofar as it allows the police to incarcerate people and then look for evidence after the event. In real terms, this is not a matter of drawing a line that would only affect a very small number of people, as other critics have pointed out, the police even used the power of the Terrorism Act (2000) to justify their actions that allowed them to stop and search a huge number of people who were wearing anti Blair T-shirts at the Labour party Conference as they tried to enter.(SACC 2005). Although in this dissertation we are primarily considering the issues surrounding pre-charge detention, we should not overlook the fact that this was only one small element of the Act which contains provision for number of other fairly controversial elements such as a charge for the glorification of terrorism. This has equally attracted comments from many sources as being a term too vague to enforce, but is nevertheless another infringement of our rights to free speech. (Watson et al 2005) The National Council for Civil Liberties objected on the grounds that the scope of the powers proposed was too broad and this fact alone would lead to miscarriages of justice (Jewell D 2005) The Lib. Dems. actively opposed not only the 90 extension but also the28 detention period stating that they felt that the 14 day period was sufficient If we consider views expressed by (admittedly self-professed) terrorism experts, we can discern an expression of similar reservations but these are tempered with a more adversarial and practical realism. The Chairman of the Centre for the Study of Terrorism and Political Violence felt that the police did have a very strong case when they put forward the argument to be given more time to question individuals who they suspected of being involved in terrorist activities. Rather than just simply putting forward a point of view, he backed it up with rational comments. He put forward the suggestion that this extra time was needed because of the sophistication of the computer and other equipment that potentially held a great deal of information and would require substantial amounts of time to assimilate. The provision of 90days pre-charge detention would allow the police to follow up any international leads or complex associations which may require a degree of surveillance. Having made these comments, he too, accepted that there was the possibility of problems with an already excluded and isolated Muslim community in some parts of the country. In recognising this difficulty he made the comment that it would not be helpful for the Muslim (or other) communities to feel that 90 days was the normal or accepted length of detention and a balanced approach was to be called for as he could recognise the fact that many of these investigations could be completed far more rapidly. (Wilkinson 2005) Other evidence of the public mood came from more directly involved sources. Two victims of the London bombings were publicised as having completely opposing views on the issue. One felt strongly that these measures would play into the hands of the Muslim extremists and create an environment where further such acts of violence would be nurtured and the culture of hatred perpetrated (Tulloch J 2005). Another was quoted as saying that he was dumfounded by Parliaments rejection of the 90 day pre-charge detention period as he felt that the police did not have sufficient powers to deal with the problem in inadequate manner (Dodge P 2005) If we turn our attention to the actual views (rather than the frequently reported and attributed views) of the police forces themselves, we can find evidence of a considered argument and real concern that they do not feel that they have enough powers to protect the General Public as well as they otherwise could. In real terms, we must remind ourselves that the Police are arguing for an effective suspension of Habeas corpus, which has been enshrined in-law since 1679. (Haralambos M et al 2000), The main thrust of their argument rests on the assertion that the situation has materially changed since the last wave of mainland bombings by the IRA. The IRA agreed to coded alerts to allow police to minimise loss of life. This measure was adopted originally by mutual agreement on the part of the police to minimise death and injury, and on the part of the IRA because they perceived a substantial death Tolland serious injury, as hardening public resolve against them. The current wave of violence is being orchestrated by people in the UK who are plotting mass atrocity without warning and who regard mass loss of life and tangible disruption as having considerable propaganda value and in no way consider it to be counterproductive (Blair I 2005). Sir Ian Blair also pointed to the increased sophistication of the new terrorist networks together with their increasingly international components, which made it significantly harder for the police to intercept or pre-empt their actions in a timely manner. He quoted the fact that, in order to make a proper investigation, it was now standard procedure to sift data, decrypt hard drives, check cell phone records, and chase international leads before they can make proper and reasoned decisions as to whether their detained suspect is either dangerous, and therefore chargeable, or harmless. He pointed to the specific fact that it took a team of officers over two months to scour a waste disposal site in the north of the UK to uncover evidence of complicity of the7/7 suspects. We will return to discuss the relevance of these remarks later in the essay. Other police figureheads give us further information for consideration. The Chief of the anti-terror squad went on record as saying that in his opinion the police were seriously hampered by the guillotine of time, putting forward the statement that the police believe that they had actively thwarted two further terror attacks in the wake of the 7/7attacks. He argued that there was no room for complacency if the public expected the police to continue to do a professional job in protecting them. It was of no use at all in tying their hands behind their backs by forcing effective curtailment of their abilities to properly investigate and interrogate the suspects. He also went on to state his opinion that the police were not asking for the increase in pre-charge detention time simply because it was an easy option, but because it was, in his opinion absolutely vital if wearer to prevent further terrorist attacks. (Hayman A 2005) Thus far in the essay we have established varying view points and, twosome extent, the various arguments that have been advanced both for and against pre-charge detention of up to 90 days. In order to mount rational campaign against the argument for extension, one has to reasonably produce alternative effective measures if one wishes to try to attain the professed goals of both sides, and that is to preserve the necessary protection of the existing civil liberties, to maintain public security and also to detain and charge the right people in connection with terrorist activity. One expert came up with this assessment of the situation. If we accept that the polices thinking in support of a 90 day pre-charge detention period is because they currently have insufficient time to complete all of their investigations in a timely manner then an appropriate solution may well be for the country to invest in better analytical capabilities(Ayers R 2005) The thinking and reasoning being that, rather than having to resort to prolongation in the length of pre-charge detention, does it not make more sense to invest in, and improve the ability of the police to provide a timely and accurate forensic investigation. The problem that the police currently have in getting their investigations completed on time is simply down to the fact that they do not have sufficient numbers of either scientists, of skilled technicians or, for that matter, the actual technology that would allow them to get the appropriate investigations done on time. Quite obviously, apart from the resource implications involved there is the question of recruiting and training the appropriate manpower and there is a very significant lead time in this respect, but on the faceoff it, it would seem to provide an answer to the increasingly strident and vocal opposition groups who are currently opposing the 90 damper-charge detention period. Ayres agrees with the groups who point tithe fact that it is not right to require citizens to be incarcerated simply on the grounds that we have not adequately equipped the police to deal with this new 21st century problem it is not adequate to expect them to fight it with 20th century tools. The natural sequitur to this argument is the fact that no amount fore-charge detention would have prevented the London bombings and the same is almost certainly true of the Sept 11th attack in the USA, by virtue that none of the terrorists, or those immediately associated with them, had ever been in the custody of the police before the event. And in the London case, all of the available information (at least sufficient to bring charges), was available within the two weeks that were then permitted. (Ayers R 2005) Other elements of alternative provision to pre-charge detention could be the increased installation of CCTV cameras in public places. There is already a substantial provision in certain areas of the country, primarily in the city centres, but there are still large areas which could usefully be covered. The benefit of CCTV is mainly its evidential value. Ayres also points out that pictures of meetings, acts and movements are largely incontrovertible in court and it does not take three months to say to a Judge here is a picture of a bomb suspect meeting with A, B or C. As the thrust of this dissertation is an examination of some of the alternatives to the extension of the pre-charge detention period, we can also consider some of the Governments own proposals. We clearly do not know, and probably will not be in a position to know, whether these proposals were drawn up before or after the defeat of the legislation surrounding the pre-charge detention issue. It would seem likely that the main points had been considered previously, but that the fine details may not have been added until after the demise of the Act on the floor of the House. Other alternatives have been suggested, some by the Government itself. On 15th Dec. 2005, sometime after the Government had actually accepted that their Bill was effectively dead, the Home Secretary Charles Clarke made an interim progress report to the House of Commons in which he laid out some of the Governments alternative proposals (Clarke C 2005B). In essence there were twelve different proposals, all of which were published after the Government knew that the 90 day pre-charge detention had been defeated, and can realistically be seen as an alternative to them. We shall consider each of them in turn 1) To reinforce and to extend the grounds for deportation. This particular measure was introduced largely as a reaction to the rejection of the 90 day pre-charge detention initiative. The Government seems to have taken the view that if we cant detain and investigate them here, then they will deport them. Although one can initially be sympathetic to this view, careful reflection would have to question the wisdom of sending a terrorist suspect back to the (presumably) fertile breeding ground of militancy and dissidence. One such ground would be the owning or promoting of extremist bookshops. It is already illegal to own or to distribute any form of literature which could be seen as either inciting or being useful to terrorists. The extension of the law here would be that owning such book shop would now be punishable with deportation 2) To create an offence of condoning or glorifying terrorism. This particular section actually extends the consideration that an offence has been committed if it occurs anywhere, not just within the confined of the UK. Those that are convicted of the offence in the Kill be deported and those that do so abroad will be refused entry into the UK. 3) To automatically refuse asylum requests to this country for anyone who has participated in terrorist acts anywhere in the world. The Government have introduced a provision in the Immigration, Asylum and Nationality Bill which will effectively bar anybody who has participated in any act classed as an act of terrorism from entering the country 4) To remove UK citizenship from UK nationals who have engaged in acts of terrorism. The Law will be changed to include any person who has done anything seriously prejudicial to the vital interests of the United Kingdom 5) To streamline extradition orders and to set a maximum time limit for extradition to be effected. This has the backing of both main opposition parties and also the judiciary 6) To change the rules of evidence in court The Government has been mindful that the law governing intercepts is often disbarred from being presented in court. They propose to change the law to allow intercepts of communication to be admitted in evidence. There are also proposals to streamline and adapt newer-trial processes 7)To use control orders on UK British Nationals who cannot be deported. This is primarily to allow the authorities to maintain control or surveillance over a person who they believe is engaged in some form of terrorist activity. 8) To increase the capacity of the judiciary to deal with control orders . It clearly follows that there cannot be a significant delay in the dealing with control orders as otherwise it will defeat the object of having them in the first place. The Lord Chancellor has agreed to increase the number of judges who will hear these cases, so that delay will be kept to a minimum. New court rooms are being built for these specific purposes. 9) To proscribe the Hizb-ut-Tabir organisation and any other splinter successor groups to the organisation of Al Mujahiroun. This will make active membership of any of these organisations a criminal offence 10) To increase the threshold for acquiring British citizenship and also to establish communications within the Muslim community to explore the ways in which integration can be better achieved. The Government appears to now recognise that integration of the Muslim community into the UK community is a positive step in maintaining safe relations within the community itself. To this end it has suggested the setting up of a number of other initiatives in this regard such as: the creation of a National Advisory Council on Mosques and Imams the training and accreditation of imams placing a greater emphasis on citizenship training for children attending madrasahs. 11)To extend the present power to close a place of worship if it disproven to be used as a centre for fomenting extremist views. The Government proposes to establish a list of clerics who are not considered suitable to preach in consultation with the Muslim community leaders The Government also reiterated the point that they were firmly of the opinion that one of the ways forward in this respect was to foster and encourage the partnership aspect of the police with all aspects of the community and this was the most politically acceptable method of reducing the role and influence of the clerics who were preaching hatred in the mosques. (Clarke C 2005 A). The Muslim community would be expected to respond by reporting cases of extremist behaviour earlier so that measures could be put in place before significant damage was done. They also placed great emphasis on citizenship training, particularly of the young of the community. It appears that the Government has also received a commitment from the Muslim community leaders that they wish to be associated with such initiatives 12)To consider expediting the security measures that are currently proposed at the border entry points of the UK The Government hope to expand the number of countries that will have to provide biometric visa information, and at the same time to compile database of individuals who the government considers to be undesirable aliens who are also considered to be a threat to the UK security. The Government is also considering introducing measures over the next five years to develop an integrated system to check travellers before they enter the UK and ban them at the point of entry. Other, less immediate threats to security will be monitored and the system will record when they enter and when they leave the UK. We shall discuss these measures in some detail further on in this essay. These alternatives seem to be the basis of the Governments response tithe defeat of their attempt to get the pre-charge detention extended to90 days. It would appear, at first examination, that the comments made by Ayres and cited above, are very pertinent to the Governments security measures. The observation that the 90 day pre-charge detention would not have prevented the London bombings is probably true, but it is probably fair to say that these particular raft of measures proposed byte Government, while although not actually being a direct alternative, may very well represent a reasonable and workable alternative. It is salient to note that there is a strong emphasis on two different(and some might observe, mutually complimentary) elements in the Government proposals. On the one hand they are tightening up the border criteria and making in more difficult for terror suspects to get into the country and at the same time they taking powers to make it easier to deport and disbar non UK nationals if they are judged to be a threat to security, On the other hand they are clearly pursuing a strategy which is designed to promote racial harmony and general integration of the Muslim community. One could assume that in keeping with current social theory, the more allegiance that a community member feels towards his community, the less likely he will be to perform any act that is likely to damage the community (Watson, West et al 2006). Clearly there has been a nucleus of Muslim clerics who have utilised their position of power and influence to try to rally the disaffected youth of the Muslim community with varying degrees of success. If the Muslim community leaders can be persuaded to come on board and help to police such extremist views themselves, it would be considered far more acceptable by the community at large as well as doubtless being considered far more politically expedient by the Government. (Macadam Pet al 2005) Because this essay is concerned with the alternatives to pre-charge detention and there is a considerable body of opinion that seems to place a large burden of responsibility for the perceived need for-charge detention at the door of the Muslim community, (Adcock P,2003), we should perhaps spend some element of this examination in consideration of the Muslim perspective on the question. The first issue is that it is generally a complete fallacy to regards all Muslims as potential fanatics (despite the nonsense frequently pedalled by the tabloids). There is a branch of Islam called Islamism which is a totalitarian ideology and is often the root of much Muslim fanatical ideation. It is the branch which has spawned the Taliban, Hamas and indeed Osama bin Laden. Most mainstream Muslims regard it as being a distortion of Islam. Islamists regard terrorism as a legitimate avenue to achieve their goals. (Lie B et al 2004 In general terms, Islamism requires a mans complete obedience to the sacred laws of Islam, and to reject, as far as possible, all other outside influences with the notable exception of both medical and military technology. Strict adherence to its precepts demands an intrinsic deep antagonism towards non-Muslims, and a violent antagonism towards western civilisation. It amounts to an effort to subjugate the mainstream teaching of the religion of Islam, together with its vast accumulated culture, into an ideology. (Pipes D 2004) We have referred to Islamism as a distortion of Islam, but this is not strictly true, as it is better considered a radically different and completely new interpretation of the Islamic codes. It politicises the religious elements of the faith, and tries to turn it into a blueprint for establishing a coerced Utopia. Its generally accepted programme closely resembles those of fascism, Marxism and Leninism (Pipes D 2001) To amplify the point made earlier about the Government needing to promote co-operation with the moderate Muslim community, we can cite an extract from an article which appeared in The Minaret, a newspaper which appeals to mainstream Muslims in the English speaking world. Islamism is a global affliction whose victims count peoples of all religions. Non-Muslims are losing their lives to it in such countries as Nigeria, Sudan, Egypt, and the Philippines. Muslims are the main casualties in Algeria, Turkey, Iran, and Afghanistan. Islamists have in many cases been involved in violent acts. The reason for resorting to such means appears to be the same over and over again: First, the Islamists try to change the rulers and men of power through intellectual means, but as this seldom leads to anything and as there seldom are any democratic channels to used, violence have been the last resort. Islamism is perhaps the most vibrant and coherent ideological movement in the world today; it threatens us all. Moderate Muslims and on-Muslims must co-operate to battle this scourge. (Johnston A 2000) Is it possible to identify just why it is that the Islamists have an ideological hatred of the Western world, and why is it that they dont target Japan or South Africa for example? One of the major answers to this question is generally cited as being an event just over two hundred years ago in 1798 when Napoleon landed in Egypt. This was the occasion when the Muslim world became suddenly and dramatically aware of Europe. (Wiktorowicz Q 2004), On the face of it there should be no particular reason as to why there should be anything incompatible with either the two main religions or even the two religion-based civilisations. The problems appear to arise not from a clash of the civilisations but from a more fundamental clash of both ideas and ideologies. (Wiktorowicz Q 2004) One has to look no further than the confrontation between Ayatollah Khomeini and Salman Rushdie when the infamous fatwa was declared. This was not actually a confrontation between western ideology and Muslim ideology, it was a confrontation between those who supported or sympathised with the Ayatollah, and those who opposed him. (Cantwell Smith W 1969) The significant point of the argument is that westerners and Muslims were both to be found on both sides of the divide. We make the point here to demonstrate that it is ideas and ideologies that are the root of the problems that we are discussing here not religion. In basic terms, a consideration of the question Is Islamism incompatible with the ideologies of the western world? the answer is a qualified Yes. It is clear that a very difficult and intrinsically unstable relationship is currently in place between the two philosophies. We cited the arrival of Napoleon in Egypt as being a seminal event in the history of Islam. While this is demonstrably true, it was actually symptom of a deeper change that was progressing insidiously at the same time, but over a much longer time span. The Mufti of Jerusalem summed up his view of this deeper problem in 1998 in an address to the United Nations. In essence, the thrust of his argument is that, for over one millennium (from AD 622) the adherents of Islam could basically be described as winners by whatever set of criteria one chose to assess the situation, whether it was health, literacy, wealth, culture, influence or power. It was generally assumed that to be a Muslim was to be a favourite of God. If one considers the situation now (since the events of two hundred years ago), most significant events in the Muslim world have been associated with failure. By consideration of each of the criteria mentioned in the previous paragraph, the Muslim nations have moved from position of dominance to a position of subjugation. In the words of the Mufti: Before, we were masters of the world, and now were not even master of our own mosques. (quoted in Wilkinson P 2005 pg. 32) The cultural response to this fairly rapid decline in their fortunes has been analysed on three levels three different responses to the situation. Secularisation, which involves integration and assimilation with western cultures, effectively aligning Islam with privatisation. Reformism , which equates with telling the western world that they have gained their strength by stealing from the Muslims and therefore the Muslims have a right to take back from them (effectively a middle ground) Islamism, the extremist position which ideologically wishes a return to fundamental Islamic principles but, in real terms also wants many of the technological benefits that the west has to offer. (After Della Porta et al 1999), Is there any evidence to show that Islamists represent only a tiny fringe of mainstream Islamic religion? If this were to be the case then perhaps we could reasonably assume that all of these measures whether they be pre-charge detention of 90 days or the raft of alternative measures outlined by Charles Clarke, are little more than an over-reaction and extreme safety measure. Sadly an examination of the world-wide situation suggests that we have been comparatively spared in the UK if the writing of Jacoby is given any credence Islamist xenophobia and violence has many faces. In Sudan, the regime uses chattel slavery, forcible conversion, and mass murder as weapons in its jihad holy war against black Africans in the south. Islamist gangs in Egypt carry out deadly pogroms against Coptic Christians. This summer, Afghanistans Taliban demolished ancient Buddhist works of art, then ordered every Hindu in the country to wear yellow identification badges. Terrorist networks like Osama bin Ladens and Islamic Jihad place a premium on killing and wounding Americans. Death sentences are pronounced against authors like Salman Rushdie or, more recently, the American Khalid Duran who write books the Islamists dont approve of. The litany is grim, the victims are many, and the threat is global. (Jacoby J. 2003) In a perverse way, this particular view actually strengthens the arguments against these measures that we have been discussing here. Because of the overt violence and oppression that we can document(above) that has been occurring in other parts of the world, with the exception of the July 7th bombings and the possibility of the putative two other attacks that we are told have been thwarted, the UK appears to have been comparatively secure in its defences against Islamist fanaticism. Can one therefore conclude from this that the measures that are in place are manifestly robust enough to largely protect us without the addition of further draconian measures? If one feels able to make such an assumption, then clearly the assumption of further powers and implementation of further measures are perhaps quite superfluous. The major flaw in that rather teleological argument, is that we simply have no idea of the number of attacks that might have been planned and then thwarted by the Islamists, or for that matter any other militant faction that may feel the need to target the UK. In the infamous words of Martin McGuiness after the Brighton bombings, we only need to be lucky once, you need to be lucky all of the time. (Quoted in Brisk, A1996) Clearly this is not meant to be an argument either for complacency nor for the reduction of vigilance, but on the face of it, it does appear to be an argument that more stringent anti-terrorist measures are not justified on the grounds that we have examined thus far in the essay. Such a comment may well please those involved in the civil liberties movements, but a balanced argument must clearly contain an element that if even one death of injury can be prevented, then the Government owes it to its people to take all reasonable steps to safeguard them against attack. (Classed J (end) 1999) The response to Charles Clarks alternative measures has been unexpectedly muted. This may be a reflection of the fact that the groups who can normally be expected to appear with appropriate comments in the various manifestations of the media, may actually realise and accept that the government has to strike a balance between the defence of freedom and civil liberty and the protection of its citizens against foreign attrition or insurgence. Although they clearly considered the imposition of the 90 day pre-charge detention a step too far, they, largely appear to accept that the raft of measures proposed are still within this elusive but reasonable balance. In this dissertation we have spent a great deal of time unashamedly setting out the Islamist position. Our reasoning being that if we are going to make a comprehensive assessment of the possibility of alternative measures that could potentially be employed to combat the threat of terrorist attack and to protect the interests of National Security, one has first to examine the reasons as to just why it is that those particular factions wish to attack us or perceive us as threat. There are a number of other practical options which can be considered but do not yet appear in any Government policy document that we can uncover. Before we discuss these options, there are a number of other relevant considerations that we should address. A number of observers consider that there is currently a battle for the soul of the Muslim world. Not, as one might imagine at first consideration, between the West and the Muslim states, as we in the West are actually onlookers in this particular struggle, but between the two major Muslim factions, the Ataturk and Khomeini dispositions. If one considers the global situation, one can observe that the ideologies that are in the ascendance in Turkey, with its newly acquired designs on the EU, are actually Imagist ones, whereas the ideologies that are currently dominant in Islamist Iran are actually the secular ones. (Goodwin, J et al 2000) We make this point to underline the fact that, in trying to formulate and adopt a policy of National Security, one is observing a dynamic and volatile potential threat. Clearly this makes any assessment of the potential effectiveness of the policy exponentially more difficult, as the world observed at the height of the Cold War. (Godin R et al 2000) The problem with Islamism, as seen from the perspective of a National Security consideration, is that it changes the factions of normal Islamic society, such as politics, the military and socio-economic considerations, from historically fragmented institutions into sustained and coherent entities. (Karman, C 1988) To quote the Mufti of Jerusalem again the Muslims are not socialist nor capitalist; they are Muslims. (quoted in Wilkinson P 2005 pg. 43).Again we can make the point that the Mufti is comparing ideologies (ie, capitalists and socialists) rather than comparing Muslims to Buddhists, Catholics or Jews. It is this ability of Islamism to harness and control state power that renders it so powerful a force to deal with. Some observers have analysed it with the comment an Islamic-flavoured version of totalitarianism. (White J 2002). We have attempted to portray Islamism in a role that is relevant to our discussion here about National Security. The aspects of it that need tube understood in order to formulate a meaningful assessment of its threat to our security. It is not an immediately attractive picture to western orientated eyes. In order to fully evaluate the threat, we have also to ask the question, What, then, makes Islamism so popular to section of the population? The fact of the matter is that Islamism is effectively a system of ideology that transforms and modernises the traditional virtues of Islam itself. It has strong and immutable rules regarding the social roles of women in society and living in an urban community. It is not concerned to the same extent with the traditional problems that are experienced by the peasant farmer in the rural community. It is not an evolution of a medieval ideology but one that actively responds to the stresses of modern day living. (Arson, S et al 1990) One excellent example that we can use to illustrate the point is the drinking of alcohol. This perfectly illustrates the fundamental differences between traditional Islam and Islamism. In the Sudan which was traditionally an Islamic country, Muslims were barred from drinking alcohol because of their Islamic beliefs, but they had no problem with Christian drinking alcohol if he chose to. When the new Islamist regime took power, then all Sudanese were banned from drinking alcohol irrespective of their personal beliefs. This illustrates the point that we made earlier relating to Islamism selectively borrowing from western ideals as this is the way the western, geographically orientated countries are run. Islam is a personal code, Islamism is a geographically applied ideology (Rosenberg, CA 2003) The salient point is our deliberations here is that, as we try to devise a strategy towards the threat of terrorism, we must constantly differentiate between Islam and Islamism. The UK does not have a policy which militates against religions, it militates against ideologies. Having made the point, we are now in a position to consider what other measures could reasonably be employed to reduce the threat to our National Security. In terms of diplomatic pressure we should actively support those states that contain and control the extreme Islamist elements. It would seem clear that keeping them out of political power is in the UKs national interest and, arguably in theirs as well. We should also put political, diplomatic and socio-economic pressure on those states that are already Islamist and attempt to persuade them to moderate their tendency to aggressiveness, both to their own people and also to the West in particular. There is considerable propaganda value, particularly amongst the dissident faction in an Islamist state, in publicising and congratulating those nationals who do take an active role in opposing the Islamist regimes. The other side of that particular argument is to prominently label the Islamist groups who engage in atrocities as terrorists, both in our dealings with those particular countries but also with other global players in the international arena. This would have the effect of creating a psychological barrier between terrorist states and non-terrorist ones. It also clearly would have the effect of marginalisation of the terrorist states amongst the international community. (Kawaka, M 1993) It is the natural sequitur to this statement that Nations such as teak should not engage in dialogue or overt diplomatic relations with Islamists, neither should they co-operate with them. Such moves would seriously undermine policies which were designed to isolate and exclude them. It would also enhance the political standing of the ruling body in the eyes of its population. One might also be tempted to suggest that encouraging democratisation and the holding of elections might be a positive move in this regard. We purposely have not included it in this particular list of possibilities simply because study of the events of recent (and, for that matter, distant) historical import, would suggest that, although elections may be the tangible and visible evidence of a democracy, the simple expedient of imposing elections alone is unlikely to be effective. One only has to consider the situation in Algeria where elections were imposed prematurely, the infrastructure was not in place to sustain the result and instability resulted. (Heinemann, S 2002) This, of course, makes for a fertile breeding ground for both ferment and dissent and therefore can effectively be considered counterproductive. We must not assume that such events only occur in uncivilised areas. We only need to look back to the era of the English Civil War and the imposition of the Rump Parliaments to appreciate that exactly the same situation occurred in this country albeit some centuries ago. The election process, in order to be both stable and stability enhancing, should ideally be the terminal result of a much longer process of change in the fabric of a state. Changes in the legal system, recognition of the rights of minorities (ethnic, religious or other), the ability of the state not to feel threatened by freedom of speech or freedom of assembly are all vital prerequisites to a stable governing process of which elections are only one, highly visible, part. (Crenshaw, M 2003) If we examine the experience of other countries who have recently emerged into the democratic system, we can see that the process realistically takes about a generation to achieve. Because of this observation we would suggest that the establishment of elections parse. is not a good candidate for inclusion in our list of potential alternatives to the extension of the pre-charge detention period. Clearly it would be considered as a long term goal but more immediate shorter term alternative objectives should be the encouragement of democratisation. This can be done initially on the level of a civic and integrated society and then later with the emergence and encouragement of identifiable political leaders (Crenshaw, M 2003) Some observers, when considering the answer to the National Security problems, have suggested economic sanctions as an alternative.(Rubenstein, R 2003). We specifically have not included these in our list of possible and preferred options and the reason is exemplified in our reasoning in setting out the various aspects of Islamism at length. There is very little connection between Islamism and socio-economic factors. It does not actually place great store on wealth or poverty, it certainly is not a response to financial deprivation. It does not therefore make sense to use economic tools to try to dismantle Islamist regimes. Thus far in this dissertation we have focused on the perceived threat from the Islamist faction, but it would be foolish to think that they were the only group who were capable of causing problems to our National Security. For this reason we should also consider more general measures that either could, or to some extent already partially have been put in place to help minimise the risks further We have already referred to the difficulties that the police, and their technical staff, have in dealing with the technological side of any communication network that their suspects may be using. Encryption is common feature of the modern secure message transfer and with modern electronics, some of the encryption systems are extremely sophisticated. It could be made an offence not to reveal or release encryption keys to the police. This would require modification to Patria of the Regulation of Investigatory Powers Act (RIPA). This would have the effect of either helping the police with their legitimate enquiries or failure to surrender such keys would give them grounds for legitimate charge where they could hold the suspect under the current rule of law. Certain sanctions could be employed with regard to Internet usage. It might be useful to create an offence whereby it was illegal to use the Internet in the encouragement or preparation of acts of terrorism. Clearly this might be more difficult to regulate and may only realistically be a charge open to police after arrest and after examination of computer records. In respect to police procedures in general terms, there are a number of improvements which could quite reasonably and easily be auctioned which would have the effect of improving the efficiency of the police to deal with potential threats. One operational problem that the police have is that the current Regulation of Investigatory Powers Act (RIPA) does not allow for Covert Human Intelligence source or Directed Surveillance authorities to be authorised by an officer from one force area to be used in another force area. The National Co-ordinator Special Branches (NCSB) is considering moves to streamline the procedure and to remove this anomaly, at least in respect of Special branch operations. This also would have an effect on cutting down the obstacles that are currently in the way of efficient investigation. The police themselves have asked the Home secretary to consider the option of an all premises warrant to cover the search of all or any property that is in the possession of their terror suspects.(Ayers R 2005) In the same way that there are restrictions on surveillance measures, there are also restrictions on warrants for property searches across regions and national borders (England / Scotland for example). Removal, or at least streamlining these procedures could also be a significant help in the investigation of terrorist activity. As far as overseas warrants are concerned the Security Services have to rely on the Secret Intelligence Service to both obtain appropriate warrants and also to execute them, which is clearly both cumbersome and inefficient. There is still scope for further control and security measures at ports and points of entry into this country. Lord Carlyle (Carlyle 2005)prepared a review of the situation and concluded that entry points needed constant attention and surveillance. Some of his particular recommendations included the installation of CCTV and recognition systems at points of entry. He noted that there was a temptation for Port Authorities to succumb to commercial pressure and therefore he suggested that there should be a national requirement to enforce the provision of such measures. Ports are not the only method of access into this country. The current regulations (Terrorism Act 2000) require that all commercial flights are notified to the police within a designated area known as the Common Travel Area (CTA). The police have stated that they would like notification of all flights , not just commercial ones and particularly those that are of short duration from Europe. There is clearly a possibility of infiltration and possible illegal entry. In addition to these measures, the police have also suggested that they would require a change in the regulation relating to the problems of disclosure in any criminal proceedings. They would like a change in the disclosure rules to allow for the non-disclosure of any sensitive techniques or practices . Other areas where they might be positive scope for change could be in the area of the post arrest interviews. At present, there is a requirement placed on defendants in fraud trials of compulsory answers to questions. In other words, they cannot have the option to not reply and to allow any jury to infer what they will from the silence. This compulsion to answer could reasonably be extended to terrorist interrogations to maximise the impact of potential silence when the jury is deliberating. Clearly there are any number of procedural measures that could be suggested to tighten up or streamline the both the pre- and post-arrest systems in the country, but all have to be weighed up in the perpetual balance of fairness against expediency. Conclusions In this dissertation we have examined the recent legislative furore which has recently erupted over the inclusion in the recent Government legislation of the 90 day pre-charge detention period and its subsequent rejection by the House of Commons. This is only a small (albeit vital) element of our discussion, because it serves as catalyst for the examination of other possible measures that could be available to the Government as it has been deprived of what it publicly considered to be the cornerstone of its anti-terrorism measures. Our consideration has included those elements that have been proposed by the police and security forces as necessary as well as those measures that have been proposed by the Home Secretary. In order to consider the situation further we have had to consider in some depth the fundamental nature of the Islamist threat to our National Security. Islamism appears to be currently identified as the major terrorist threat in the western world at the present moment. It is clearly both powerful force and a potent ideology. In terms of global representation, Islamism currently is the majority force in countries such as Iran, Sudan, and Afghanistan. In other countries, while not actually in power it is a significant opposition force for example Algeria, Egypt, Turkey, Lebanon, and the Palestinian Authority. (Holden 2003). It is therefore in these countries in particular that the measures that have been outlined in the latter part of this dissertation are arguably the most important. The ability to support the ruling party and to help it to marginalise the opposition Islamist party is seen as a positive step towards UK National Security. Some estimates of Islamist activity put it at about 10% of the worlds Muslims. This is not a very helpful estimate as they generally represent an extremely active and vocal minority and their influence is out of all proportion to their actual numbers. (Wiktorowicz Q 2002) We have largely considered the role of the Islamist population in foreign countries, but we must remember that three of the four militants who involved in the London bombings of July 7th were UK born.(Ayers R 2005). To a degree, this makes the surveillance easier but we then return to the issue of the possible alternatives to pre-charge detention . In general terms, the measures outlined by Charles Clarke(set out above) are, in part, designed to deal with the home grown threat. Options of criminal conviction if a UK National or deportation if a naturalised citizen are the options that are already in place and, in the case of the London bombers, the law has taken due and proper course and appears to have dealt with the threat more than adequately. The point about home grown activists must not be dismissed lightly. Although we have observed that Islamists account for about 10% of the global population of Muslims, we are at a loss to find any estimate of the number of active Islamists in the UK at the present moment. Some commentators point to the vociferous and active minority ( 1999 pg. 22.) but do not comment about their overall numbers. Critical opinion seems to suggest that when the Islamists come to powering a country, they create enormous problems for the people that they rule. One has only to consider the examples of Sudan, and more recently Afghanistan, to fully appreciate that despite their obvious authority in the countries, socio-economic disintegration is an apparent hallmark of their administration. This leads to instability and instability poses a problem on the global front, both for their immediate geographical neighbours and also (demonstrably) for the western world viz. New York, London, Madrid. Our comments relating to the problems of Islamism in power therefore are not totally self-serving. One only has to examine the problems of oppression of women, the socio-economic upheaval, the abuses in the field of both civil liberty and associated Human Rights, the rapid increase in the carrying of weapons by the population and the violence with which dissent is dealt with, are equally on a par with the threat that is posed by the terrorism aspect of their administration. We shall not consider this argument further because it is really peripheral tithe main thrust of our considerations in this essay. On the global arena, they are considered to be rogue states, demonstrably dangerous to their own population and presumptively dangerous to the western world.. (Weiss H 2002) Although we have directly considered measures that can be employed to reduce the direct Islamist threat, we have most overlooked more general measures that could be employed against other groups and organisations. Most of these alternatives come under the general heading of procedural changes in the administration of either the police force or the regulations concerning their constraints and behaviour after the arrest of a suspect. If the whole issue of the alternatives to the 90 day pre-charge detention could be summed up in one sentence or one concept, then it would probably be that it is a clash of ideas and ideologies that area the fundamental root of our current problems with National Security not religion. References Adcock P, 2003 Social policy in Britain, Macmillan 2003. Adcock P, A Erskine, M May (ends), 2003 The students companion to social policy, Blackwell 2003. 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Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2002. Wiktorowicz, Q ed., 2004 Islamic Activism: A Social Movement Theory Approach Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2004 Wilkinson P 2005 Centre for the Study of Terrorism and Political Violence Oxford University Press 2005 Zillion L 2005 Amnesty International Statement to Press 26.10.05

The Hobbit A Hero s Journey - 1481 Words

In many stories, there is a hero ‒ a character who rescues, saves, survives, and sacrifices in order to help the greater good. He usually is of mysterious origin and often starts off seeming ordinary and insignificant. However, as the hero eventually grows and develops, he follows the hero’s journey, or the general structure of a hero’s adventures. Such is the case in J.R.R. Tolkien’s renowned The Hobbit, a high fantasy novel detailing the adventures of Mr. Bilbo Baggins, a small furry creature known as a hobbit. Bilbo lives comfortably in his hobbit-hole until he is compelled to join a dangerous quest with Gandalf the wizard and thirteen dwarves. As Bilbo Baggins progresses along his hero’s journey, he transforms, develops, and changes into an extraordinary hero. Firstly, Bilbo grows bolder and more curious as he begins his adventures. 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